People's Daily editorial of April 26
Encyclopedia
On the morning of April 25, 1989, members of the Communist Party of China
’s Politburo
met at the home of Deng Xiaoping
to discuss the recent student response
to the death of former General Secretary Hu Yaobang
. The words exchanged at this meeting were then used to construct the People’s Daily (Rénmín rìbào) editorial of April 26. During the meeting, Politburo members reported the forming of Solidarity-like unions by students in Beijing
universities. Said to be actively denouncing CPC
leadership, these students especially questioned the “elder generation of proletarian revolutionaries,” of which Deng himself was a part. Seeing his own power threatened, Deng insisted on being “explicit and clear in opposing this turmoil” to suppress the situation. Immediately following the meeting, Hu Qili
and Li Peng
began to organize the publishing of a People’s Daily editorial that expressed the Party’s no tolerance position. Deputy chief of propaganda Zeng Jianhui wrote the draft, Hu
and Li
served as editors, and on the evening of April 25, the finished editorial could be heard on national radio and television news stations.
, acknowledging their diverse expressions of grief. Specifically referencing the need to “turn grief into strength”, the editorial suggests that the poignancy of Hu
’s death reaffirms the significance of upholding the four modernizations
. Carried out by “an extremely small number of people,” subversive responses, which the editorial describes as mostly verbal denunciations of the CPC
, are an example of “abnormal phenomena” to be dealt with swiftly.
Focusing in on the students, the editorial references their assembly at Tiananmen Square
on April 22 in an effort to participate in Hu’s official memorial. The Party
, acknowledging that the state of mourning creates “emotionally agitated” students, demonstrated “tolerance and restraint” towards this gathering, and the memorial was allowed to proceed without difficulty. The fundamental problem, according to the editorial, is that “an extremely small number of people with ulterior purposes” have taken advantage of students, teachers, and even workers, to promote a “reactionary” message against Party leadership. The editorial describes this small group of people as not grieving, but executing a “planned conspiracy” to “plunge the whole country into chaos and sabotage,” in order to “negate the leadership of the CPC and the socialist system”. This accusation declares actions like the spreading of rumours, the use of posters, and the forming of unions, as completely detrimental to the future of the nation. To put this in perspective, the editorial suggests that “reactionary” behaviour could potentially reverse the economic progress made by Deng Xiaoping
’s program of reform and opening up. According to the editorial, this jeopardizes existing initiatives to control prices, eliminate corruption, and take on political reform.
The editorial therefore calls on the population to help stabilize the political status quo by refusing to take part in any disturbances. Illegal unions, rumour mongering, and “unlawful parades and demonstrations” are presented as not only violations against the state, but also against a student’s right to study. The editorial ends by alluding to a general agreement among students and the Party to eliminate corruption and promote democracy, emphasizing the need to end disturbances in order for China to move forward.
published a rebuttal, arguing vehemently against the editorial. Wang calls the accusation toward “people with ulterior motives” conveniently ambiguous since it allows the Party
to target virtually anyone for persecution. He also claims that the editorial lacks evidence when referring to incidents like the shouting of “reactionary” slogans. Still, Wang argues, it deliberately mentions these incidents to provide a pretext for the Party to suppress demonstrators. While he sees the editorial as an attempt to reaffirm the authority of the Party, he argues that it has actually been counterproductive on this point. Wang suggests that by threatening the students, the editorial itself provokes tension, effectively heightening the disturbances it had hoped to curb.
, the editorial remained a major bone of contention, as Party members argued about its message and students called for its retraction. General Secretary Zhao Ziyang
, recognizing the editorial’s negative consequences, repeatedly made the suggestion among his colleagues to revise it. First, in a private conversation with Premier Li Peng
, Zhao explained that though he himself supported the editorial, it had become “a real sore point” with students, creating an “us-versus-them mentality” that could be eased with a simple tweaking of the editorial’s tone. Li, on the other hand, argued that the editorial could not be altered, first because it was completely accurate, but also because it was a manifestation of Deng Xiaoping
’s views, which could not be questioned. As the movement progressed into a hunger strike, Zhao again pushed to revise the editorial, with the belief that settling the sensitive topic would effectively ease tension. Following his resignation, Zhao made one last gesture urging Deng to “change the official view of the student movement” from the editorial’s perspective, but by this point, he had been discredited within the Party and his proposal was neglected.
Around this same time in mid-May, an attempt to end the hunger strike with dialogue further displayed the editorial’s resonance. Speaking to Li Peng
, student leader Wuer Kaixi identified the description of the movement as “turmoil” as a major issue concerning the hunger strikers. He presented as a solution the publishing of a new, apologetic People’s Daily editorial, “repudiating the one published on April 26”. Li in response denied ever labeling the movement as turmoil, and no apologetic editorial was published.
Communist Party of China
The Communist Party of China , also known as the Chinese Communist Party , is the founding and ruling political party of the People's Republic of China...
’s Politburo
13th Politburo of the Communist Party of China
The 13th Politburo of the Communist Party of China was elected by the 13th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China on November 2, 1987.-Members:#Wan Li #Tian Jiyun #Qiao Shi #Jiang Zemin #Li Peng #Li Tieying...
met at the home of Deng Xiaoping
Deng Xiaoping
Deng Xiaoping was a Chinese politician, statesman, and diplomat. As leader of the Communist Party of China, Deng was a reformer who led China towards a market economy...
to discuss the recent student response
Tiananmen Square protests of 1989
The Tiananmen Square protests of 1989, also known as the June Fourth Incident in Chinese , were a series of demonstrations in and near Tiananmen Square in Beijing in the People's Republic of China beginning on 15 April 1989...
to the death of former General Secretary Hu Yaobang
Hu Yaobang
Hu Yaobang was a leader of the People's Republic of China who served as both Chairman and Party General Secretary. Hu joined the Chinese Communist Party in the 1930s, and rose to prominence as a comrade of Deng Xiaoping...
. The words exchanged at this meeting were then used to construct the People’s Daily (Rénmín rìbào) editorial of April 26. During the meeting, Politburo members reported the forming of Solidarity-like unions by students in Beijing
Beijing
Beijing , also known as Peking , is the capital of the People's Republic of China and one of the most populous cities in the world, with a population of 19,612,368 as of 2010. The city is the country's political, cultural, and educational center, and home to the headquarters for most of China's...
universities. Said to be actively denouncing CPC
Communist Party of China
The Communist Party of China , also known as the Chinese Communist Party , is the founding and ruling political party of the People's Republic of China...
leadership, these students especially questioned the “elder generation of proletarian revolutionaries,” of which Deng himself was a part. Seeing his own power threatened, Deng insisted on being “explicit and clear in opposing this turmoil” to suppress the situation. Immediately following the meeting, Hu Qili
Hu Qili
Hu Qili is a politician of the People's Republic of China.-Biography:In 1948 at the age of 19, Hu joined the Communist Party of China . He studied at Peking University from 1946-1951...
and Li Peng
Li Peng
Li Peng served as the fourth Premier of the People's Republic of China, between 1987 and 1998, and the Chairman of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress, China's top legislative body, from 1998 to 2003. For much of the 1990s Li was ranked second in the Communist Party of China ...
began to organize the publishing of a People’s Daily editorial that expressed the Party’s no tolerance position. Deputy chief of propaganda Zeng Jianhui wrote the draft, Hu
Hu Qili
Hu Qili is a politician of the People's Republic of China.-Biography:In 1948 at the age of 19, Hu joined the Communist Party of China . He studied at Peking University from 1946-1951...
and Li
Li Peng
Li Peng served as the fourth Premier of the People's Republic of China, between 1987 and 1998, and the Chairman of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress, China's top legislative body, from 1998 to 2003. For much of the 1990s Li was ranked second in the Communist Party of China ...
served as editors, and on the evening of April 25, the finished editorial could be heard on national radio and television news stations.
Contents
Titled “It is necessary to take a clear-cut stand against disturbances” , the editorial begins by addressing the entire population of ChinaChina
Chinese civilization may refer to:* China for more general discussion of the country.* Chinese culture* Greater China, the transnational community of ethnic Chinese.* History of China* Sinosphere, the area historically affected by Chinese culture...
, acknowledging their diverse expressions of grief. Specifically referencing the need to “turn grief into strength”, the editorial suggests that the poignancy of Hu
Hu Yaobang
Hu Yaobang was a leader of the People's Republic of China who served as both Chairman and Party General Secretary. Hu joined the Chinese Communist Party in the 1930s, and rose to prominence as a comrade of Deng Xiaoping...
’s death reaffirms the significance of upholding the four modernizations
Four Modernizations
The Four Modernizations were goals, set forth by Zhou Enlai in 1963, to strengthen the fields of agriculture, industry, national defense, science and technology...
. Carried out by “an extremely small number of people,” subversive responses, which the editorial describes as mostly verbal denunciations of the CPC
Communist Party of China
The Communist Party of China , also known as the Chinese Communist Party , is the founding and ruling political party of the People's Republic of China...
, are an example of “abnormal phenomena” to be dealt with swiftly.
Focusing in on the students, the editorial references their assembly at Tiananmen Square
Tiananmen Square
Tiananmen Square is a large city square in the center of Beijing, China, named after the Tiananmen Gate located to its North, separating it from the Forbidden City. Tiananmen Square is the third largest city square in the world...
on April 22 in an effort to participate in Hu’s official memorial. The Party
Communist Party of China
The Communist Party of China , also known as the Chinese Communist Party , is the founding and ruling political party of the People's Republic of China...
, acknowledging that the state of mourning creates “emotionally agitated” students, demonstrated “tolerance and restraint” towards this gathering, and the memorial was allowed to proceed without difficulty. The fundamental problem, according to the editorial, is that “an extremely small number of people with ulterior purposes” have taken advantage of students, teachers, and even workers, to promote a “reactionary” message against Party leadership. The editorial describes this small group of people as not grieving, but executing a “planned conspiracy” to “plunge the whole country into chaos and sabotage,” in order to “negate the leadership of the CPC and the socialist system”. This accusation declares actions like the spreading of rumours, the use of posters, and the forming of unions, as completely detrimental to the future of the nation. To put this in perspective, the editorial suggests that “reactionary” behaviour could potentially reverse the economic progress made by Deng Xiaoping
Deng Xiaoping
Deng Xiaoping was a Chinese politician, statesman, and diplomat. As leader of the Communist Party of China, Deng was a reformer who led China towards a market economy...
’s program of reform and opening up. According to the editorial, this jeopardizes existing initiatives to control prices, eliminate corruption, and take on political reform.
The editorial therefore calls on the population to help stabilize the political status quo by refusing to take part in any disturbances. Illegal unions, rumour mongering, and “unlawful parades and demonstrations” are presented as not only violations against the state, but also against a student’s right to study. The editorial ends by alluding to a general agreement among students and the Party to eliminate corruption and promote democracy, emphasizing the need to end disturbances in order for China to move forward.
Intellectual critique
In mid-May 1989, author Wang RuowangWang Ruowang
Wang Ruowang , born as Shouhua but more popularly known from his pen name Ruowang, was a Chinese author and dissident who was imprisoned various times for political reasons by both the Kuomintang and the Communist government of China...
published a rebuttal, arguing vehemently against the editorial. Wang calls the accusation toward “people with ulterior motives” conveniently ambiguous since it allows the Party
Communist Party of China
The Communist Party of China , also known as the Chinese Communist Party , is the founding and ruling political party of the People's Republic of China...
to target virtually anyone for persecution. He also claims that the editorial lacks evidence when referring to incidents like the shouting of “reactionary” slogans. Still, Wang argues, it deliberately mentions these incidents to provide a pretext for the Party to suppress demonstrators. While he sees the editorial as an attempt to reaffirm the authority of the Party, he argues that it has actually been counterproductive on this point. Wang suggests that by threatening the students, the editorial itself provokes tension, effectively heightening the disturbances it had hoped to curb.
Influence on the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests
Throughout the Tiananmen Square protests of 1989Tiananmen Square protests of 1989
The Tiananmen Square protests of 1989, also known as the June Fourth Incident in Chinese , were a series of demonstrations in and near Tiananmen Square in Beijing in the People's Republic of China beginning on 15 April 1989...
, the editorial remained a major bone of contention, as Party members argued about its message and students called for its retraction. General Secretary Zhao Ziyang
Zhao Ziyang
Zhao Ziyang was a high-ranking politician in the People's Republic of China . He was the third Premier of the People's Republic of China from 1980 to 1987, and General Secretary of the Communist Party of China from 1987 to 1989....
, recognizing the editorial’s negative consequences, repeatedly made the suggestion among his colleagues to revise it. First, in a private conversation with Premier Li Peng
Li Peng
Li Peng served as the fourth Premier of the People's Republic of China, between 1987 and 1998, and the Chairman of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress, China's top legislative body, from 1998 to 2003. For much of the 1990s Li was ranked second in the Communist Party of China ...
, Zhao explained that though he himself supported the editorial, it had become “a real sore point” with students, creating an “us-versus-them mentality” that could be eased with a simple tweaking of the editorial’s tone. Li, on the other hand, argued that the editorial could not be altered, first because it was completely accurate, but also because it was a manifestation of Deng Xiaoping
Deng Xiaoping
Deng Xiaoping was a Chinese politician, statesman, and diplomat. As leader of the Communist Party of China, Deng was a reformer who led China towards a market economy...
’s views, which could not be questioned. As the movement progressed into a hunger strike, Zhao again pushed to revise the editorial, with the belief that settling the sensitive topic would effectively ease tension. Following his resignation, Zhao made one last gesture urging Deng to “change the official view of the student movement” from the editorial’s perspective, but by this point, he had been discredited within the Party and his proposal was neglected.
Around this same time in mid-May, an attempt to end the hunger strike with dialogue further displayed the editorial’s resonance. Speaking to Li Peng
Li Peng
Li Peng served as the fourth Premier of the People's Republic of China, between 1987 and 1998, and the Chairman of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress, China's top legislative body, from 1998 to 2003. For much of the 1990s Li was ranked second in the Communist Party of China ...
, student leader Wuer Kaixi identified the description of the movement as “turmoil” as a major issue concerning the hunger strikers. He presented as a solution the publishing of a new, apologetic People’s Daily editorial, “repudiating the one published on April 26”. Li in response denied ever labeling the movement as turmoil, and no apologetic editorial was published.