The Breton Revolutionary Army , is an illegal armed organization that is part of the Breton nationalism

Breton nationalism

Breton nationalism is the nationalism of the traditional province of Brittany in France. Brittany is considered to be one of the six Celtic nations...

 movement in the Brittany

Brittany

Brittany is a cultural and administrative region in the north-west of France. Previously a kingdom and then a duchy, Brittany was united to the Kingdom of France in 1532 as a province. Brittany has also been referred to as Less, Lesser or Little Britain...

 region of France

France

The French Republic , The French Republic , The French Republic , (commonly known as France , is a unitary semi-presidential republic in Western Europe with several overseas territories and islands located on other continents and in the Indian, Pacific, and Atlantic oceans. Metropolitan France...

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I- Origins of the conflict

Until the end of the XVth century, Brittany had managed to remain independent vis-à-vis its French and British neighbours.
In December 1491, however, after two consecutive civil wars opposing the French Crown to an alliance of French Princes (among them Brittany) and foreign powers, the latter were defeated and the young breton duchess, anne, was married to the young king Charles VIII, ttherefore tying France to Brittany.
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In 1532, the then french monarch, François Ier, officially ties Brittany to France despite allowing it to preserve its fiscal and legal privileges. This partial autonomy, in turn, allows Brittany to remain unaffected by most foreign and domestic conflicts the French kingdom is faced with throughout the sixteenth and up to the beggining of the seventeenth century.

During the French Revolution, in 1789, however, Brittany’s partial autonomy is revoked. Its parlament is abolished, the breton language banned and its territory divided into five departments in 1790. The nationalization of Brittany provokes bipolar reactions throughout the five new deparments, as some overwhelmingly endorse such fusion while others sytematically rebel against the fragile new Republic. The latter, fearing a counter-revolution, fiercely represses any opposition.

II- « L’ Armée Revolutionnaire Bretonne (ARB) ».

The Breton Revolutionary Army was created in 1971as the armed wing of the Front de Liberation Breton (FLB), aka Breton Liberation Front. The FLB had been established in 1963 with the intention to secure the liberation of Brittany from France. The ARB seeks recognition by the French government of the existence of the Breton people, the integrity of its territory, and the Breton language. Christian Georgeault is the group’s current leader and a former Emgann general Secretary.

The 1974 bombing in Roc Tredudon marks the first of approximately 200 terrorist acts on foreign soil, both inside and outside Brittany.

The ARB, unlike its Corsican (FLNC) and Basque (ETA) counterparts does not seek to achieve human casualties. This is a view shared accross the entire breton political spectrum and especially by the breton people who, until the attack on a McDonalds in 2000, during which an employee was killed, have tolerated the actions of the separist movement.
Until the 2000 attack, only two casualties (two ARB members were killed when trying to deffuse their own bombs that they thought would injure someone) had resulted from their attacks. Nevertheless, considerable property damage has been inflicted as a result of these attacks.

The frequency of attacks increased between the period of 1993 to 1996. A two year truce followed. Attacks resumed on October 30th 1998 with the partial destruction of the Belfort city hall, home town of the then Interior Minister Jean-Pierre Chevenement. Other subsequent targets included included symbols of the « French colonial state » such as administrative offices, police precincts and utility installations, as well as the home towns of then-Prime Minister Lionel Jospin. The latter attack, which occured on June 18, 1999, was a result of the refusal, two days before, by the then French President Jacques Chirac to ratify the European Charter on Regional and Minority Languages.

III- Emgann (« Fight »).

Emgann is beleved to provide political support to the ARB. Its affiliation with the latter has been repeatedly denied over the years by Emgrann which considers itself a pacifist group, although it openly support the ARB’s violent methods and goals. It nonetheless publishes the ARB’s messages and articles and substantial evidence has been produced by French authorities that confirms the suspected intimate and complicit relationship between the two groups. Hence, several Emgann members were apprehended in connection with several attacks attributed to the ARB. Created in 1982, Emgann defines itself as part of the independent breton leftist wing. Pro-independence and anti-capitalist, Emgann advocates for no compromise or contact with the French government and political parties.
Its activism came in the wake of the election of François Mitterand to the French Presidency. In 1981, the newly elected state leader had pardoned members of the FLB who had just been convicted and emprisoned by the State Security Court, in France. Their release provoked the dismantlement of the FLB as many of its newly released members gave up their former violent activism and instead chose to retire or join the Breton Democratic Union (UDB), an autonomist breton political movement opposed to violence. Emgrann, therefore, picked up the FLB’s mantle and sought to pursue the fight.

IV- The 1999 Plévin heist and the ETA-ARB connection.

The theft of eight and a half tons of Titane 30, from one of the warehouses of the company Titanite SA, in Plévin on September 28th, 1999 by an ETA and ARB commando is one of the most spectacular achievements of the ARB to date (the security alarm system had been carefully dismantled). This incident served to confirm suspicions about the nature of the relationship between the ETA and the breton seperatists. As the subsequent investigation revealed, ARB members had been hosting basque seperatists in Brittany prior to the heist. Spanish authorities even suspect that some ETA members may at times come to Brittany temporarily in search of a safe haven.
The investigation also confirmed the close relationhip between Emgann and the ARB as one of the former’s members, Arnaud Vannier was arrested in connection with the Plévin heist when twenty five sticks of dynamite and two detonators and two timers were found in the trunk of his car, all originating from the Plévin heist.
Emgrann replied to the accusations saying that it was not reponsible for the activities of individual members.
Half a dozen individuals were subsequently arrested in connection with the heist. Three days after the heist, three ETA members were arrested near Pau, France, with a van containing two anf a half tons of explosives, all originating from Plévin. Two other individuals, Denis Riou and Richard Lefaucheux, were arrested for their complicity in the heist (renting cars to pick up the basque seperatists and providing them with shelter in Lorient).

V- The 2000 McDonald’s bombing

On Wednesday April 19, 2000, around 10 a.m., a one and a half kilogram bomb placed near the drive through of a Mc Donalds in Quévert, Brittany, exploded. At the time of the explosion, the restaurant was relatively empty with the exception of three teenagers and two other customers. While none of them sustained any injuries as a result of the explosion, a 27 year old employee, Laurence Turbec, was killed on impact as she made her way into the restaurant through a service entrance.

The explosion did not ignite a fire as a result but the building itself sustained severe damag and its roof was blown off as a result.

The explosive used was Titane 30, the same type of dynamite stolen in 1999 from Plévin, suggesting that the ARB may have been responsible for this bombing. Further evidence confirmed this relationship, as at the same moment the Quévert bombing was taking place, another bomb near a post office Rennes was diffused by police.

Forensic analysis determined that Titane 30 had been used during both attacks. A piece of spring found in the remains found at the Quévert site was found to originate from the same type of kitchen timer used to offset the diffused explosive in Rennes. The use of kitchen timers also confirmed the ARB’s involvement given their systematic use in previous bombings.

Four individuals were subsequently arrested as a result of the investigation. While the perpetrators of the bombing were never found, Stéphane Phillipe, Pascal Laizé, the two ARB pyrotechnicians, Christian Gorgeault, the presumed ARB ringleader were arrested for suspected complicity in the Quévert bombing.
Gael Roblin, the main spokesman of Emgann, was also arrested for his theoretical justification of previous ARB bombings. 4) The four men were acquitted for the Quévert bombing. However they were sentenced the same day to serve prison terms of 6, 8, 11 and 3 years respectively for their involvement in prior attacks.

While the ARB claimed to be unrelated to the Quévert bombing, in November of 2000 police confirmed that the group had returned a hundred kilograms of the explosives stolen in the Plévin heist in 1999 to police authorities. This action came following a statement by the ARB that it sought to appease the current political climate in Brittany as well as an end to the repression of the ARB.

VI- Recruitment.

The characteristics of Emgrann and the ARB’s recruitment pool serve to explain the rather lack of preparedness of its attacks over the years.
While in the 70’s many recruits came from universities and parts of the breton elite, today most if not all are mainly drawn from either urban and unemployed youth, those living on wealthfare and those on limited and short term employment.
This nonspecialized recruitment illustrates, according to French authorities, the amateur nature of the often botched bombings of the ARB. On november 25th 1999, police managed to retrieve two anf half kilograms of dynamite in Saint Herblain : The timer had malfunctioned and was out of order. On November 29th, the same year, in Rennes, police diffused a bomb with a nearby sign indicating the presence of an ARB explosive device.
However, the more successful attacks of the ARB, such as as the 1998 bombing of Belfort city Hall and the Plévin attack seem to counter that claim. Police theorize that this divergence in preparedness and specialization may be explained by the association, at times, of the ARB and their basque counterparts, the ETA.

VII- Financial support

Local financial support for the ARB is geared toward the families of its incarcerated members.
This financial support is provided by Skoalzell Vreizh (« Breton assistance »), an original group headed by Pierre Locquet, who’s been its president for over 20 years. A former FLB member, Locquet was convicted for an attack in the 1970’s.
Locquet considers his organisation essential in helping anyone who commits an act which defies french authority. Upon capture, the perpetrator’s familly is contacted by Skoalzell Vreizh to make arrangements in order to pay their legal fees. In case of incarceration, the organisation takes in upon itself to support the prisoner’s family financially until his release.
Until the 1990’s, Skoalzell Vreizh had mainly used its financial support to assist minor delinquents « with a good cause » who engaged in such activities as repainting street signs in in breton, refusing to pay the national television tax to protest the lack of a breton channel, or paying their taxes by writing checks in breton.
The 1990’s, however proved to be more costly for Skoalzell Vreizh as the seriousness of the ARB’s attacks increased, part of which can be blamed on the group’s increased association with better trained and more radical groups such as the ETA as is evidenced by the Plévin theft.
Nonetheless, Skoalzell Vreizh remains a crucial asset and is well organized. Part of its funds emanates from minor donations collected at concerts and other public festivities or personnal donations withdrawn from a donor’s bank account. The largest contributions, however, come directly from its political support, namely from the UDB itself and the Breton Cultural Institute which is a branch of the Breton Reional Counsel.

VIII- Popular support

Until the McDonalds attack in 2000, the ARB and Emgann had enjoyed widespread support throughout Brittany. While this support has largely dwindled over the years, as evidenced by the various nationalist protests organized over the years by Emgrann and which have managed to regroup less than two hundred people, a number in sharp contrast with the thousands of supporters the FLB used to attract in the 1970’s.
Nonetheless, the ARB managed to maintain, at the very least, a form of toleration from the wider population who recognize the merit in their fight. Most of all the nonviolent nature of the group (refusing to spill blood to achieve their goals), until 2000, served to maintain that support as the breton people, including the group’s most ardent supporters consider nonlethal violence a more respectable form of protest than the opposite.
The death of Laurence Turbec had a tremendously negative impact on the group’s popularity. Both breton leftist and right wing groups condemned the attack. The UDB clamored for the perpetrators to turn themselves in. Similarly, the POBL (right wing party) worried this might signal an ideological drift from the ARB toward a more violent type of radicalism, such as that of their ETA counterparts. Emgann’s spokesman, Gael Robliin, as well, called the act itself unacceptable and unjustifiable. Former Arb members, similarly denounced the attack and said the ARB should justify itself publicly.

Pierre Locquet as well, said to be sickened by the attack and critiscized the amateur nature of ARB members, pointing out that in the 1970’s, ARB members would always stay nearby so as to ensure that the explosive would work as intended and that no casualties would be sustained.